Notorious dark money think tank the Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) – founded by former head of the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) Iain Duncan-Smith – is at its old lobbying tricks again. Now of course, it has turned its main attention towards Labour as the new party in power.
Notably, just weeks ahead of the Labour Party conference, it has launched two new reports bursting with recommendations for the new government to take up. Alongside them, the CSJ has also kicked the rightwing corporate media machine into gear to seed these ideas in the public consciousness.
As usual, these promote a panoply of policy ideas for punching down on chronically ill and disabled people. The worrying part is, there are signs the Labour government is already listening.
CSJ and Labour: Times touts the ‘evil of worklessness’
1 September 2024 marked the end of the summer parliamentary recess. So naturally, just as the new Labour government gears up to begin the business of parliament, the Sunday Times threw down the gauntlet – and at the same time, chronically ill and disabled people under the bus.
Its headline blared that:
Sir Keir Starmer must confront the crisis of idle Britain
Cue an incorrigible article packed full of demonising tropes and benefit claimant-bashing rhetoric. Spiralling rates of people out of work to long-term sickness and burgeoning benefit claims? People have simply lost “the habit of work”.
That’s according to former Times and Sunday Times editor Martin Ivens who penned the offending piece for the right-wing rag. Throughout, Iven’s espoused what he describes as the “evil of worklessness”.
More disgustingly still, it seemed to tap into a recent astonishingly vile Telegraph comment article. This blamed chronically ill and disabled people for the recent race riots. In fact, Iven’s article and this previous hit-piece had a lot of anti-welfare buzzwords and phrases in common. Both decry the so-called “long-tail of worklessness” and call for a “carrot” conditionality approach to benefits.
Most significantly though, Iven’s also bandied about the idea that at least 700,000 long-term sick people:
say they want to go back to work given the right encouragement.
If it seems that Iven’s pulled the figure out of his arse, that’s because he largely did. It’s based on a calculation by the CSJ using a DWP survey of just 2,012 claimants of various benefits. This found that 20% of respondents:
did have a desire to work and thought they could work at some point in the future
Using this, the CSJ extrapolated it outwards to the number of claimants which fall in the ‘No Work Requirements’ group for benefits. Of course, it’s likely the majority of long-term sick people want to work. However, this doesn’t mean they can. Crucially, the survey didn’t seem to make this distinction in its interpretation of the responses. Notably, the survey question actually framed the answer as:
I am currently unable to work, but might be able to in the future if my health condition/ disability improves
This is quite different from saying that these respondents felt they “could work at some point in the future”. Crucially, this is because it leaves out the major caveat of “if my health condition/ disability improves”. So for one, the 700,000 figure is based on a survey of a tiny proportion of claimants. Moreover, it also makes assumptions from this poorly interpreted multiple choice answer.
Contrary to Iven’s 700,000 people on benefits saying they want to go back to work then, just 400 said they might, if their health improves, in a miniscule DWP survey.
The CSJ’s corporate media mouthpieces
However, if the disparaging and ableist message and misinformation in the articles wasn’t bad enough – when you dig down to where it originated, it gets distinctly worse. Specifically, it’s here that the sinister influence of the CSJ comes into play.
Notably, if Iven’s article reads almost like a cut and paste job from a carefully-curated CSJ press release – there’s a reason for that. Because he has in fact lifted paragraphs almost verbatim from the two freshly published CSJ reports he refers to.
It might constitute plagiarism if it weren’t for one simple fact. That is, what the Times article doesn’t disclose is Iven’s significant conflict of interest. Because, it just so happens he’s also chair of the Centre for Social Justice’s (CSJ) so-called Social Justice Commission. And this is the organisation behind the reports.
This was of course, founded by Iain Duncan-Smith in 2004. Since then, the think-tank has shaped Conservative welfare policy and was the mastermind behind Universal Credit.
In fact, the CSJ has repeatedly proudly boasted its role as architect Universal Credit and unleashing its devastating effects on benefit claimants. For the CSJ, Universal Credit is its headline success story, and it isn’t shy about pronouncing it. Naturally, it typically skirts over the literal hundreds of thousands the DWP have denied it to in its forced migration process over to the new-style benefit – meaning they’ve entirely lost their vital social security. Tens of thousands of Universal Credit-related deaths? Funnily enough, not something you’ll read about in a CSJ report either
And Iven’s CSJ puff piece is characteristic of the blurred lines and revolving door between the right-wing corporate media and the CSJ.
Separately, a 31 August article in the Telegraph also touched on elements of these reports. Primarily, the piece focuses on Sunak’s national service publicity stunt – which the CSJ report calls for. However, it also dredges up the so-described “economically inactive” population, also underscored in the reports. Of course, these are just the latest examples of the corporate media shilling for the dark money think tank.
The CSJ and corporate press have long held a cosy relationship. A quick search reveals hundreds of articles stretching back from its inception laundering the findings of repeated CSJ report after CSJ report.
But crucially, the two latest articles shilling for the CSJ reference the pair of new reports the think-tank has published this September. The main report offers 50 recommendations for the new Labour government. These cover policy ideas in multiple areas across work, housing, crime, education, and family. Predictably, it has put tackling so-called “health related economic inactivity” as one of the priorities under its work umbrella.
Just in time for Labour’s annual conference
Naturally, the CSJ appears to have perfectly timed their publication to coincide with conference season. Of course, in all likelihood, it did this deliberately.
For one, it’s probable the CSJ will feature these ideas heavily in its own fringe programme at the Labour Party conference. Until 2 September, the CSJ was advertising its attendance at this. The Canary had sight of the page, but the CSJ has since taken it down. However, it’s still possible to see that this did exist on Google search results.
It appeared largely as a holding page hosting limited information on the CSJ’s location on each day at the event. What’s more, it didn’t display information on the CSJ’s programme at the conference. Theoretically it would later update this closer to the conference date. Unfortunately, the Canary doesn’t have a screenshot of the page and it hasn’t been archived.
It may well be the case that it will post a new page for this before the party conference commences, with additional details. Alternatively, it’s possible that it’s seeking to minimise scrutiny of its presence and programme at the upcoming lobby-fest. And the very reason could be its publication of these new reports.
But the CSJ has already been angling to influence a potential rightwing Labour government on welfare.
In January 2023, the CSJ hosted Jonathan Ashworth – then in his role as shadow secretary for the DWP to:
discuss Labour’s strategy for welfare reform and economic inactivity
Of course, it also wouldn’t be the CSJ’s first Labour Party conference rodeo either. In 2023, the CSJ had Ashworth back again, then as shadow paymaster general to deliver a keynote speaker on, of all things:
what social justice would look like in a new Labour government
Needless to say, an independent MP opposing a literal genocide booting him out at the election was not likely part of his vision.
Also co-leading the keynote was Telegraph editor and GB News presenter Camilla Tominey. In an April 2024 article, Tominey regurgitated the CSJ’s persistent obsession about work being “good for” people off to long-term sickness. Notably, she even namechecked CSJ CEO Andy Cook in her tirade on economically inactive people. Largely though, it was a love letter to the right’s “lazy” scrounger narrative, with Tominey’s incongruous view that Sunak’s administration:
fostered a culture in which some people still expect to receive something for nothing
Obviously, this spoke volumes for Tominey’s brand of supposed ‘social justice’. Ironically, while she proclaimed Starmer’s Labour as “air-fried socialism”, his shadow DWP cabinet was right in step with Tominey’s anti-welfare rhetoric all along. Naturally, this is more apparent than ever now Labour has taken power.
Embedding itself in the DWP
While Ashworth is out of the picture, the CSJ has embedded itself into the new Labour government’s DWP through an unlikely minister.
Labour appointed Stephen Timms as minister of state for social security and disability. However, Timms is also a commissioner on the CSJ’s Social Justice Commission. Again, this is the organisation behind the CSJ’s two latest reports.
Of course, many in the chronically ill and disabled community welcomed Timm’s appointment as de facto disability minister. Given his history of allyship, it’s therefore likely Timms is in the commission to push for the CSJ’s more progressive proposals.
Nevertheless, it’s arguable that Timm’s role on the commission loans its entire agenda legitimacy, even if he himself endorses only the better ideas it puts forward. This is evident in the Telegraph article, where it highlighted him as a commissioner behind the reports. Essentially, it implies his support for the national service guff the Telegraph piece sets out.
It’s also true that so far, Timms hasn’t exactly proven the ally in government disabled people had hoped for, given his voting record and work as chair of the Commons work and pensions select committee. Despite consistently calling for greater transparency at the DWP while Labour were in opposition, now it’s tumbleweed from Timms. Notably, this is just as his department appeals a transparency ruling by the information commissioner. Specifically, this concerns the department’s internal investigations into deaths linked to the DWP’s own actions – something which Timms himself lambasted the previous government for withholding.
Now, his role with the CSJ brings his commitment to chronically ill and disabled people further into question.
Labour CSJ donors and lobbyist MPs
However, these aren’t the only alarm bells signalling the new Labour government’s tight relationship with the CSJ. Millionaire pro-Israel venture capitalist Stuart Roden donated over half a million to Labour for its election campaign. Most notably, he sits on the board of the CSJ.
Meanwhile, amongst the Party’s large pool of lobbyists standing for election in July, four worked for private corporate consultancy firm Hanbury Strategy. This included Hanbury director Chris Ward. Ward replaced leftwing MP Lloyd Russell-Moyles after Labour deselected and blocked him from standing as a candidate. In 2021, Ward was Starmer’s deputy chief of staff, after a six year stint as his staffer. Two of the four candidates with roles at Hanbury, including Ward, were elected in July.
But in the last year, Hanbury has also lobbied for the CSJ. This included the period up to 31 May 2024 – the most recent lobbying register that’s available. At this point, all four candidates were active employees.
In 2022, Hanbury launched its dedicated Labour Unit at the party’s annual conference, which it declared was to:
help clients engage with the opposition and prepare for the possibility of a Labour government.
Ward led this unit, and fellow previous Labour staffer Joe Morris worked alongside him until his recent election.
Red rosette Tories
Of course, the CSJ’s and its corporate media lapdogs have successfully entrenched “economic inactivity” as a pretext for punching down on chronically ill and disabled people across the Labour right.
DWP boss Liz Kendall is already at it, spouting at a Jobcentre in Leeds days after election that:
rising levels of economic inactivity are unacceptable and that immediate action must be taken.
Infamously callous former DWP boss IDS may have fired the anti-welfare starting gun with the CSJ, but a Tory in red rosette will finish the think-tank’s work. And needless to say, there’ll likely be nothing socially just about it.
Feature image via the Canary